A Manhattan Project for
Artificial Petroleum
By
Carlo Pelanda
Published
in “Il Sole 24 Ore”,
Milan, Italy, Aug. 17, 2008
(Modified
and translated by Marie Plishka)
The perspective
tendency remains that petroleum prices will continue to rise due to an increasing
demand from emerging countries, even if we occasionally experience prices
drops, like in these months. Moreover,
producers are nationalizing resources and are increasingly using them for
strategic means. To have these energy
resources under the control of unstable and authoritarian governments makes
importing countries more vulnerable to blackmail. In the past, the system was balanced both by
the United States
as the global power and by an OPEC inclined to make rational cost/benefit
calculations. That is to say, they
curbed the price of oil so that it would not drive importing countries into a
recession. But America will no
longer be a sufficient policing force, even though it remains the superpower,
and OPEC has lost its ability to moderate oil prices. The combined effect of these technical and
political conditions generated a spike in oil prices since 2005 which has surpassed
the extent to which the importing economies can absorb, dangerously
destabilizing them due to excessive cost inflation. From this experience, the importing states
learned that, besides the contingent fluctuations of the price, the dependency
on fossil fuels as it was currently configured would no longer be
tolerable. It was an end of an era and
the beginning of another. But there is
still no precise strategy in this new era, as explained below.
The traditional
strategy of controlling the price of energy both through consumer/producer
agreements and geopolitical pressure now has less room for implementation at
the global level. In fact, such options
are only applied at the regional and bilateral levels. For example, Germany will increasingly depend on
Russian gas and in 2006 Merkel realigned her country with America to garner
more strength in the effort to find a geopolitical compromise with Moscow. Italy pushed for the inclusion of Russia in the
western system to secure its access to Russian energy sources. China makes privileged bilateral
agreements with single producers. This
political path will soften future shocks, but it will not resolve the
problem. Rather, it will complicate it
with multiple and chaotic competition for securing resources, a phenomenon
already seen in the Artic. For this
reason, consumer states have made energy independence a top priority. While the mission of energy independence is
clear, there is some indecision as to how to proceed. Countries are testing all the possible
technological routes: nuclear, solar, hydrogen, wind, energy from natural
movements, research for petroleum and gas in their homes. But the energy sources which are called “alternative”
to petroleum are in reality only “integrative” and not “substitutive.” Nuclear energy has the potential to be a
substitute, but only after a very
long time. Most importantly, the transition
from an economy based on hydrocarbons to other sources of energy will take
centuries.
Hydrocarbons and
the new energy sources will have to coexist until a system is in place. The strategy should be that of concentrating
all efforts, a sort of new “Manhattan Project”, to both the production of synthetic
hydrocarbons from organic material, waste in particular, and to the improvement
of biofuels by reducing their current heavy impact in terms of inflation in the
food sector and on the environment. The
good news, in fact, is that the oil shock stimulated the emergence of new
technologies capable of treating organic material by forcing the atoms of
carbon and hydrogen to recombine themselves into an artificial hydrocarbon*
(synthetic) To conclude, if fossil fuels are the problem, we will make them
artificial.
* see www.vuzeta.com